La Jornada
September 3, 2001
By Magdalena Gomez

On September 1, President Fox affixed his little star for the dialogue process and the recognition of the rights of the indigenous people. The message is clear: he believes he has already done everything, and, from his perspective, the only thing left is for the other side to accept the evidence the powers are presenting to them. How little does he know the indigenous peoples and their history of resistance and dignity.

During his speech, he announced that he had fulfilled the three peace signals, that the zapatista prisoners had been released, that the Army had withdrawn from the seven positions. He also noted that he had sent the proposal they had wanted to Congress which had, ultimately, approved the constitutional reform.

But, since he likes to respond to demands "quite fully", he added that he had put investment programs in place and, speaking for Congress, he announced that reforms to secondary laws are underway, which must be adapted to the changes. It does not matter that not everyone has been released, nor that there are ongoing denuncias from communities and human rights organizations about military movements. Generous, as he is, he stated that "in the name of pluralism we must recognize that there are different voices which need to be heard. Meanwhile, what the Permanent Constituyente has decided regarding constitutional reforms must be accepted. At this stage, it is obvious that the president sent the Cocopa proposal to the Congress without deeply sharing it. That is why he cannot appreciate the reasons of the EZLN, the CNI, and of numerous national and international civic organizations, for rejecting the contents of the counter-reform. What does listening mean? Permitting speaking and protesting? How does he reconcile his assessment about dialogue and the indigenous counter-reform with what he called his "political and moral commitment to the indigenous cause, convinced that Mexico cannot exist if we exclude them. Mexico cannot exist if we do not listen to them. Mexico cannot exist if we do not recognize that all Mexican men and women have a right to a dignified place under our skies"?

The subject has proved to be more complex than that rhetorical game, and the political class does not seem to be aware of that. If anyone doubts that the full realization of indigenous rights requires a profound State reform, they should observe the path of the indigenous peoples in their struggle for their full recognition. Two of the three branches have turned their backs on them. The EZLN uprising of 1994 opened the door for them to sit down at the table with representatives of the federal Executive. The signing of the San Andre's Accords was achieved there (February 16, 1994), and their fulfillment necessitated a constitutional reform. It took five years for that proposal to be presented. And so it went. The Legislature ignored an agreement signed in the name of the State and took Zedillo's old arguments out of the cupboard in order to draw up its own reform: the mutilated Cocopa. The indigenous peoples are now combining their political strategies and mobilizations with the presentation of various actions to the Supreme Court of Justice. The third of the branches into which the State is divided, which has not, up until now, revealed its positions on the indigenous peoples. Because, if one reviews that institution's resolutions, it would appear as if it has to do with another country. One in which no indigenous persons exist.

The extremely superficial level at which this is being addressed is worrisome. In its first year of government, the Executive is approaching Zedillo's position. The most minimal reflection has not been made about the political and social costs of the dialogue crisis. It was from that position that he once again congratulated the Congress regarding the decision it made on the reform. He did not even acknowledge receipt - in front of the President of the Court, who was there - or that he knew of the fact, that constitutional controversies exist which are pending resolution. The Executive, as well as the Congress and state legislatures, have been subpoenaed by the Judicial Branch. For political reasons, the President declared the indigenous counter-reform to be a done deal.

The human rights agenda did not fair any better in the first Report: nothing about the truth commission, or about releasing General Gallardo, or about the ecologist campesinos, or prisoners in Guerrero, nor about clarifying the case of the women murdered in Ciudad Juarez. Not forgetting Acteal, Aguas Blancas, El Charco.

We are certainly suffering from amnesia when we expect any other positions. We forget that the hegemony of the political class is represented by the PRI and the PAN, those who, at least in these matters, play ball together. Meanwhile, outside the official chambers, a social and indigenous movement is growing which is weaving alliances and defining strategies without the existence of a meeting point and place of dialogue with the State. Because the message from this first of September was that change has not come to Los Pinos.