Following the uprising, the Mexican Army invaded Chiapas but stopped the attack as protest grew. Then, in 1996 the Mexican government first abandoned, and then undermined, efforts at a negotiated solution (see San Andrés Peace Accords) to the conflict. Instead, it relies on military and paramilitary forces to wage a campaign of low intensity warfare. As a result of the army's massive presence (at least 50,000 personnel at last count) and attacks by government supported paramilitary groups, hundreds of Chiapans have died, tens of thousands have fled their homes, and many more have been forced to live their lives in constant fear.

Since the beginning of August 1999 there has been an alarming increase in the militarization of Chiapas, leading to a near state of siege in indigenous communities in the state. Under the pretext of protecting workers on a remote road building project, the army stationed at least 16,500 additional soldiers near communities that support the Zapatistas. This provocation resulted in the conflict boiling over into violence for the first time since violent attacks on Zapatista communities by police and Army troops in 1998. On August 14, 1999, army troops attacked the inhabitants of Amador Hernandez in the municipality of Ocosingo with US-made tear gas, wounding several indigenous men and women. The army continues to obstruct movement to and from the community. On August 25, army and police forces attacked San José La Esperanza, wounding at least two people.

Not coincidentally, the government's campaign to prevent human rights observation in Chiapas has taken an ugly new turn. For the first time, Chiapas Governor Roberto Albores Guillin openly threatened Mexicans with deportation. Previously his threats had been limited to foreign observers, 144 of whom were deported in 1998. On August 21, 1999, a Mexican doctor and two foreign human rights observers were brutally beaten by a group of government supporters, and in the following days, army officials attempted to arrest human rights observers in indigenous communities.

The escalation of military activity is not limited to Chiapas, but is part of a national trend that undermines human rights and democracy throughout Mexico. Despite a lack of external threats, the total number of Mexican soldiers has doubled in the last two decades and military expenditures have increased five-fold since 1988. Cases of torture and disappearances have also risen steadily. The situation is particularly critical in the southern states of Oaxaca and Guerrero.

US Military Support

US-trained personal and US equipment are used in carrying out attacks on indigenous communities. Since 1997, the US has provided $1.12 billion dollars in military assistance to Mexico. In 1998, Mexico sent more military personal to the US for training than any country in the Western Hemisphere; in 1999, Mexico was second only to Colombia.