Political Prisoners in Chiapas
A Report by Global Exchange
February 2, 1998
Part one: Political prisoners in Chiapas
Part two: Human rights and due process violations in the prisoners' cases
Part three: The cases of political prisoners currently under review by the Chiapas government
Part four: The cases of other political prisoners
Annex: Direct testimony from a political prisoner
Part One: Political prisoners in Chiapas
Recent release of political prisoners: a first step, but all must be released
This month, Global Exchange joins with the Voice of Cerro Hueco, a Mexican prisoners' organization that represents the detainees, to call on the Mexican authorities to take immediate action for the release of all political prisoners in Chiapas. Forty seven prisoners, all of whom are associated with groups in political opposition to Mexico's ruling Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI), are imprisoned in Chiapas solely for their political beliefs.
On Jan. 24, 1998, Chiapas Interior Minister Arely Madrid announced that the government would release 300 prisoners, many of whom came from Zapatista areas, in an effort to help bring peace to the state. None of the released prisoners, however, belonged to the Voice of Cerro Hueco. The Voice noted that the 300 were common criminals who had to be released anyway, following Mexican laws about the length of sentences and bail payment for indigent defendants. The general command of the Zapatista National Liberation Army (EZLN) argued that, not only were none of the 300 released Zapatistas, but some were even members of the paramilitary groups Paz y Justicia (Peace and Justice) and the Chinchulines.
After protests by the Voice of Cerro Hueco, the Zapatista National Liberation Front (FZLN), and other groups for the release of actual Zapatista supporters, the Chiapas government released Carmen Cruz Gomez from Cerro Hueco on January 29 . Madrid announced that she was reviewing the cases of at least nine others for possible release . None of the nine have yet been released; additionally, 37 other political prisoners remain incarcerated. The nine prisoners whose cases are being reviewed include the four officers of the Voice inside the prisons; some question whether the release of the internal leadership of the Voice would have a debilitating effect on the capacity of the group to continue to organize and advocate from within the prisons.
Human rights in Chiapas
Since the beginning of the Zapatista uprising on January 1, 1994, Mexican and international human rights organizations, including Global Exchange, have recorded a dramatic increase in human rights violations against indigenous people, particularly in the regions of the highlands and the northern zone. The arrest and imprisonment of political activists are part of a wider strategy of low intensity warfare by local, state and federal PRI authorities to undermine the social, economic, and political support base of the EZLN.
As part of this strategy, the government has armed, trained and funded paramilitary groups such as Paz y Justicia, whose tactics include rape, murder, destruction of property, and violent displacement, as well as the detention and imprisonment of Zapatista supporters. The paramilitaries work in close collaboration with Seguridad Publica, the Chiapas state security force. Until the massacre at Acteal, all of these activities were carried out in an atmosphere of total impunity.
Acts of aggression against Zapatista supporters have intensified since the suspension of peace talks between the Federal government and the EZLN towards the end of 1996. Having signed a preliminary set of accords on indigenous culture and rights, further negotiations broke down due to government intransigence on a number of key issues, including the continued detention of Zapatista supporters.
As the conflict has escalated in the last year, culminating in the massacre at Acteal and a vastly increased military presence around key Zapatista communities, national and international organizations have renewed their calls for a change of government strategy from repression to dialogue. The release of political prisoners remains one of the basic preconditions for a return to the negotiating table.
The Voice of Cerro Hueco
"The prisons aren't big enough to put all of us in; there are millions of us campesinos and indigenous people who seek justice."
Artemio Ramirez, representative of the Voice of Cerro Hueco
The Voice of Cerro Hueco is a prisoners' organization formed in July, 1996 to draw attention to the plight of indigenous prisoners that have been illegally detained by the Chiapan authorities. The majority are imprisoned in Cerro Hueco, a grim high security prison in the state capital, Tuxtla Gutierrez.
The prisoners have been accused of a range of crimes including kidnapping, theft of property, rebellion, rape and murder. In all of the cases there are serious flaws in the procedures employed by Mexican officials in the prisoners' detention and trial. There is strong evidence to show that the crimes with which they have been linked have been either fabricated or committed by third parties. In many cases key prosecution witnesses have been threatened or paid to make false testimony against them. All of the prisoners are associated with groups such as the FZLN and the Party of the Democratic Revolution (PRD) that are in opposition to the ruling (PRI) in Chiapas.
The campaign for the release of all political prisoners
"We thank you for your help, because we've done everything we can to get out of here. We've gone on hunger strike and sent out petitions, but the government doesn't pay any attention."
political prisoner Guadalupe Hernández Jiménez
Despite hunger strikes and a two-month long sit-in in front of the State Capitol building calling for the release of political prisoners, only a handful have gained their freedom. Those released have been the leaders of the Voice of Cerro Hueco, a clear attempt by the government to disarticulate the prisoner's movement.
On December 19, 1997, the Voice of Cerro Hueco called for an international campaign to highlight these human rights abuses and work for the release of political prisoners in Chiapas. The political prisoner's organization urges people to "use all forums possible to denounce the existence of indigenous prisoners unjustly imprisoned in Chiapas, which are products of the low-intensity warfare that the government conducts in Chiapas."
In response to the prisoners' call, and in recognition of its importance to the reestablishment of a peace process in Chiapas, Global Exchange is launching an international campaign to bring pressure on the Mexican authorities to take action for the immediate release of all political prisoners in Chiapas.
Part Two: Human rights and due process violations in the prisoners' cases
From start to finish of the incarceration process, the Mexican government has routinely violated the human rights and rights of due process of political prisoners in Chiapas.
Illegal Arrests
Bowing to national and international outcries, the Mexican government has arrested some members of the paramilitary group which carried out the massacre in Acteal. Nevertheless, the vast majority of Chiapans arrested throughout the conflict have been sympathizers of the Zapatistas. By targeting opposition leaders and members for arrest, the Mexican government has attempted to intimidate communities into silence. Even when paramilitary groups or PRI supporters instigate violence, opposition members have been arrested on fabricated charges for the crimes. The arrests may be made with the assistance of paramilitary groups, in violation of Mexican law. Almost every member of the Voice of Cerro Hueco was detained without an arrest warrant, in violation of Mexican law.
Illegal interrogations
In the course of detention, the police often interrogate prisoners about their knowledge of the Zapatista movement, pressuring them to give information about crimes of which they are ignorant. The police often resort to torture in an attempt to force a confession . The prisoners frequently speak indigenous languages, yet translators are almost never offered, in violation of Mexican law. Similarly, interrogations often proceed without the presence of lawyers.
Due process violations throughout the trial
Prosecutors' investigations into the cases of opposition members are typically hurried and superficial. In some cases, prosecutors have even pressured- - or forced-- witnesses to fabricate testimony against opposition members. As Mexico has no grand jury system, whereby a group of citizens decides whether there is sufficient evidence against a defendant to instigate a criminal trial against him or her, it falls to the judge to examine the prosecutor's evidence and decide whether to proceed or dismiss the charges. All too often, PRI-appointed judges have decided to go to trial despite the lack of compelling evidence (i.e., no eyewitnesses or no clear identification of the accused) which in non-political cases would merit a dismissal of charges.
Throughout the course of trials, judges frequently permit violations of the rights of political prisoners. Accusers of the prisoners have often failed to appear in court to corroborate their written declarations, in violation of the right under Mexican and international law for a defendant to confront his or her accuser. Court-appointed public defenders are often overworked, under-trained, and unsympathetic toward indigenous clients. Trials of political prisoners are often conducted too rapidly to permit an adequate defense of the prisoners.
Sentencing
Political prisoners often receive the maximum sentences permissible under Mexican law; many political prisoners in Cerro Hueco are currently serving sentences of 15 years or longer.
Appeals
Although lawyers have presented proof of illegal arrests and violations of due process and human rights, appeals judges appointed by the PRI have shown an alarming lack of objectivity when examining these violations. Few political prisoners have been released on appeal.
Prison conditions
Hopelessly overcrowded, Cerro Hueco Prison houses nearly 1000 prisoners in a facility designed for 350, said prison official Eduardo Coutino Arrazola on Jan. 25, 1998. A Mexican reporter investigating Cerro Hueco last year reported that he found 52 prisoners housed in a cell which measured 4 meters by 25 meters. Prisoners sleep on cardboard on the floor, lack sanitary water, and have gone without adequate health care , conditions which violate international covenants to which Mexico is a party. Furthermore, the indigenous families of political prisoners are seldom able to embark on the long, expensive trip to the prison to visit their jailed relatives.
Part Three: Cases being reviewed by the Chiapas government
The Emiliano Zapata case
The government announced that it is currently reviewing the cases of Voice President Miguel Montejo Penate and Secretary Juan Montejo Penate, although apparently not yet those of Juan Mendez Ramirez, Sebastian Montejo Alvaro, Miguel Montejo Mendez, Belisario Mendez Soliz, and Jose Guzman Montejo, also sentenced in the Emiliano Zapata case. The prisoners, from Emiliano Zapata, Tumbala, are in Cerro Hueco Prison: the first six serving sentences of 15 years for kidnapping and causing bodily injury, while Guzman is serving 23 years for the additional crime of rape.
In the spring of 1995, PRI and PRD members clashed several times in the municipality of Tumbala, leaving several people dead. Convinced that the source of the disturbances was the presence of three foreign priests, the government conducted a sweep operation in early June, 1995, arresting five of the current prisoners. They charged the priests with involving themselves in Mexican politics and buying arms, and summarily expelled them from the country, provoking international outcries at the violations of due process involved in their deportation. The Interamerican Commission for Human Rights is presently considering the case of human rights violations involved in the expulsion of the priests.
The final two defendants, the catechists Miguel and Juan Montejo Penate, were arrested in early 1996, as state security forces conducted another sweep, simultaneously robbing campesinos of money, food, machetes, and other household goods. They were arrested by state security forces and paramilitaries, acting in unison. As they arrested him, Paz y Justicia, a paramilitary group affiliated with the PRI, threatened to kill Juan Montejo if he ever returned to the community.
While in custody of police forces, the prisoners were repeatedly questioned as to the supposed military activities of the priests. The investigation by the prosecutor into the case was performed in 24 hours. The investigation of the site of the alleged crime, a required part of the prosecutor's duties, was made by helicopter, from which the prosecutor never descended.
The alleged rape victims, Anita Montejo Velasco and Adela Mendez Alvaro, relatives of some of the defendants, presented written testimony (see ), but did not later corroborate it, in violation of Mexican law. Anita Montejo, nearly 70 years old, later attempted to recant her testimony, stating that she had been forced to testify against the defendants, but the court would not allow it admissible. The physician who examined the women stated that she found no signs of rape.
The case of Los Moyos (Sabanilla)
Carmen Cruz Gomez, one of four defendants imprisoned in the case, was released January 29, 1998. The government has announced that it is currently reviewing the cases of Carmelo Perez Lopez and Guadalupe Hernandez Jimenez; Salvador Yanez Moreno remains in prison, although his case is not currently under review.
In June, 1996, Paz y Justicia kidnapped four sympathizers of the EZLN, forcing them to spend two days partially submerged in water, without any food. In response, a PRI member was kidnapped. Although the four prisoners arrested are members of the FZLN, they claim that the FZLN was not responsible for the kidnapping. They were nevertheless arrested, on June 6, 1996. While in detention, the police proceeded to beat them with the butts of their rifles.
The accusers and alleged witnesses, all members of the PRI, failed to present themselves in court to corroborate their testimony, in violation of Mexican and international law. Nonetheless, the four were sentenced to 15 years imprisonment on May 6, 1997. Guadalupe Hernandez has not seen his wife, nor his children, aged two and three, since his imprisonment; now refugees, his family can not afford to make the trip to Cerro Hueco Prison.
The case of Cerro Nova (Sabanilla)
Sebastian Lopez Perez, Mateo Alvarez Gutierrez, Cresencio Alvarez Perez, from Cerro Nova, Sabanilla, are in prison on charges of kidnapping and property damage. After Paz y Justicia allegedly kidnapped a person, the community demanded that the perpetrators be brought to justice.
The three defendants, who are related, were arrested in the night as around 25 heavily-armed members of Paz y Justicia and state security forces burst into their house. The paramilitary and security forces beat the three men, as well as their wives and children, and destroyed the house. They were then transported to the prosecutor's office in Tuxtla Gutierrez, where police beat them with the butts of their guns. The policemen called them "filthy Indians" and used other obscenities, demanding that they confess to the crime. The defendants were denied access to a lawyer or a translator (they speak Ch'ol).
A public defender represented them, but rarely communicated with the defendants. The three prisoners were condemned to 15 years in prison on October 2, 1996; the appeals court confirmed the sentence in October, 1997.
Ricardo Garcia Hernandez
Garcia was arrested on June 19, 1996, after PRI-affiliated paramilitaries killed a civilian in an ambush outside of Libertad Sonistie, Tila. Fearing attacks, PRD families had left Libertad Sonistie to take refuge in a neighboring town. When Garcia returned to Libertad Sonistie to obtain additional clothes from his house, he was arrested and charged with the murder of the civilian.
See the annex for direct testimony from Ricardo Garcia Hernandez.
The case of Cerro Mishopa (Tila): Arturo Gomez Vazques
The case of Arturo Gomez Vazques, the Vice President of The Voice of Cerro Hueco, is under review. Additionally, Antonio Jimenez Diaz, Adolfo Lopez Vazquez, Carrillo Vazquez Usipa remain in prison in connection with this case, although their files are not currently being reviewed. The four prisoners are imprisoned on charges of homicide, although their accusers and the alleged witnesses failed to present themselves in court to corroborate their testimony, in violation of Mexican and international law.
Part Four: Other political prisoners
One example: the case of Agustin Perez Mendoza On February 6, 1996, a confrontation ensued as state security forces entered the community of Pechton, Chilon, with an arrest warrant for a third party. The security forces threw bottles of tear gas into the house of Perez. As he and his brother exited their house, the security forces opened fire; his brother was killed, and Perez later had to be operated on for bullet wounds to his stomach. Perez was charged with the murder of a security force member, and sentenced to 12 years in prison; on appeal, the sentence was upheld.
Other political prisoners:
- Jorge Luis Mendez Mena, from Primero de Enero, Salto de Agua
- Filemon Perez Hernandez, from Vevedero, Sabanilla
- The case of Achaleja: Miguel Ruiz Deara, Sebastian Hernandez Moreno, from Chilon
- Miguel Lopez Perez: from Tila, Tila
- Placido Mtz. Torres: from Masoja Grande, Tila
- Mateo Hernandez Vazquez: from Crucero, Tila
- Hilario Gomez Gomez: from Andres Quintana Roo, Sabanilla
- Jesus Gomez Gomez: from Andres Quintana Roo, Sabanilla
- The Primero de Enero (Salto de Agua) case: Miguel Parcero Parcero, Sebastian Perez Vazquez
- Manuel Gomez Lopez, from San Jeronimo, Chilon
- Juan Esteban Castro Cruz, from Paso Ondo, Tierra y Liberacion
- Jose Luis Villar Velazquez, from Paso Ondo, Tierra y Liberacion
- Maximo Jimenez Ramirez, from Paso Ondo, Tierra y Liberacion
- Andres Vazquez Moreno, from San Rafael, Salto de Agua
- The San Andres (Quintana Roo) case: Manuel Gomez A. Diaz, Francisco Perez Perez
- Javier Torres Perez, from Paraiso, Sabanilla
- Cristobal Gomez Lopez, from Cantial, Chalchihuitan
- Juan Mari Castio Sanchez, from Queretaro, Jaltenango
- Aldemar Yaven Gonzalez, from Nuevo Mexico, Villa Flores
- Miguel Sanchez Santiz, from Jaltenango, Jaltenango
- The Pantelho case: Juan Gutierrez Santiz, Manuel Gutierrez Perez
- Manuel Diaz Diaz, from Ejido Rivera Galeana, Simojovel
- Alejandro Lopez Hernandez, from Jose Maria Morelos, Cohita
- Rafael Lopez Santiz, from Las Margaritas
- Mariano Diaz Gomez, from Paraiso, San Cristobal
- Norberto Lopez Rincon, from Revolucion Villa Corso
- Ernesto Camera Ruiz, from San Cristobal de las Casas
- Lorenzo Hernandez Gomez, from Iwiltic, San Juan Cancuc
- Manuel Juarez Cruz, from Villa Luz, Huitiupan
- Humberto Gomez Santos, from Suchiapa, Tuxtla Gutierrez
- Jesus Lopez Lopez, from La Costa
- Jose Hernandez Diaz, from Luis Echeverria Al., Ocosocuauctla
- Gustavo Estrada Gomez, from Tunagen, Copaynala
- The Tierra Blanca Angel (Albino Corzo) case: Amado Galvez Gomez, Arturo Perez Velazquez
Annex: Testimony of a prisoner
Ricardo Garcia Hernandez gave this testimony to Global Exchange human rights observers Dec. 23, 1997. Garcia, from Libertad Sonistie, Tila, is married with two daughters (Maria, age one, and Pabiana, age three). Testimony from other prisoners is available by contacting Global Exchange.
"They accused me of homicide. It happened on June 19, 1996. The PRI ambushed the perredistas [members of the opposition PRD party]. Before hand, the army came to remove the PRI [inhabitants of the town] to safety. The women of the PRI overheard the soldiers talking and warned the women of the PRD that there would be an attack by Paz y Justicia. So we left immediately to go to another community. My wife was scared -- she didn't want to stay home. I was scared as well.
"We went to this other house [in the neighboring community], we werent even dressed. My babies didn't have any clothes on, and they were getting bitten to death by mosquitoes. So my wife told me to go back to our home to get clothes for the baby.
"I went back to our community. There was no one there; the place was deserted. I went back to my home to get the clothes. Then I suddenly realized that the community was completley surrounded by soldiers. They came in to my house and asked me, 'Why are you taking these clothes? Where are you taking them?' There were lots of soldiers, along with the Seguridad Publica, Paz y Justicia, and armed civilians. My cousin, who belongs to Paz y Justicia, was with them. The soldiers interrogated me; then they detained me.
"It turns out that three priistas had been caught by mistake in a previous ambush and killed. A man, his wife, and his daughter. They hadn't been warned and had gone out on the road at 5 a.m thinking that it would be okay."
"The soldiers asked me who killed the man. I didn't say anything. I didn't know who did it. Then some members of Paz y Justicia told me that they knew that it wasn't me, but that it was one of my companeros. In every case, they look for people [to take the blame].
"I wasn't tortured my first day in detention. One month earlier, in May, Bishop Raul Vera had come to our town. He baptized my daughter, Maria. So they asked me what the bishop had done to organize people to kill. They thought that the visit of the bishop had provoked the attack. I couldn't say this to them. The visit had only been to baptize two children and conduct one marriage ceremony.
"They made me walk down the road, with my hands tied behind my back, with the army. We passed by where the man had died. His body was still there. The others had disappeared. The Seguridad Publica made me look away as they didn't want me to see his body, but I managed to see it anyway.
"Five minutes later, the man's brother arrived. He asked the Seguridad Publica, 'What is going on? Why did you detain Ricardo? He didn't kill my brother. Ricardo is a good friend of mine; he's never had any problems with us. We're friends." Then he named the person who had killed his brother right there in front of everybody. "But Paz y Justicia began to pressure him. Finally, he changed his story. Some legal representative was there, taking the man's testimony. They prepared some documentation there on the roadside and had him sign it. Then they took the body away.
"They took me away, down the highway. They detained me for a night in La Limar, in a church. At 8:00 p.m., the Seguridad Publica brought me in to make a declaration. Somebody questioned me - he didn't say who he was. I wasn't offered a lawyer. "They said, 'Tell us that you did it [murdered the three priistas]. Your compañeros have already said that you did it and that you organized it. If you say something against your compañeros we'll let you go.'"
"But I said nothing. I told them that if they had detained companeros of mine I wanted to see them so that we could testify together. They said, 'No, it's too late for that, they've already told us that you did it.' So I didn't say anything.
"The next morning, someone who I thought was the prosecutor arrived by helicopter. He never spoke to me. Seguridad Publica ran in, bringing an old blue Seguridad Publica uniform with them. They made me take off my clothes and put on the uniform. I had been in the military before, from 1981-84. When I was grabbed my cousin told the soldiers that I had been in the army and that I was training the Zapatistas. I don't know why they put the uniform on me. Perhaps it was so they could say that I was in uniform when they caught me.
"They put me in the helicopter and took me to the prosecutor's office in Tuxtla. But before we got there we landed in the mountains outside Tuxtla. They gave me a pistol and told me to shoot it. I didn't want to, so they put it in my hand, raised my arm, and made me fire it once into the air.
"We went to the prosecutor's so I could make a declaration. I didn't have a lawyer; I still hadn't been offered one. They interrogated me.
"One of the dead man's daughters had survived [the ambush]. She was there. They asked her if I had done it. She didn't say a word; she just kept shaking her head. They put her against a wall. She didn't answer any of their questions. Then the prosecutor took her behind the wall, so you could only see the top part of her. He hid behind the wall, took the hand of the girl and made her point it at me, indicating me [as the murderer].
"I didn't declare anything. But the minister made me sign something. The brother [of the deceased] had made some sort of declaration, and I had to sign it. I was afraid.
"The next day, I was sentenced to 19 years."
See "Nada ha cambiado tras el mensaje de Zedillo: EZLN", La Jornada, February 1, 1998, p.6.
See Angeles Mariscal and Rodolfo Villalba, "Liberan a simpatizante del EZLN; aun siguen presos 46 indigenas", La Jornada, January 30, 1998, p.5.
See Betzy Villareal, "A bases zapatistas no quiere liberar Arely Madrid Tovilla", Cuarto Poder, January 30, 1998, p. 22.
Hermann Bellinghausen, "Acusa a la policia del crimen: Tzotzil preso en Chiapas, culpado de haber asesinado a su hermano," La Jornada, April 12, 1997, p. 15.
See Rodolfo Sol, "Parcialidad de justicia, denuncian desplazados", Cuarto Poder, May 14, 1997, p. 12.
Mexican law allows arrests without an arrest warrant only in the event that police witness a crime taking place, yet Voice members typically were arrested days, or even months, after the alleged crime took place.
Inordinate pressure in forcing a confession violates Article 8, section 3 of the Convencion Americana sobre Derechos Humanos (CADH), ratified by Mexico March 24, 1981.
Torture violates Article 5, sections 1 and 2 of the CADH and Article 5 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
Interrogation without having offered the services of a lawyer violates Article 8, section 2 (e) of the Convencion Americana sobre Derechos Humanos. Interrogation without having offered the services of a translator violates Article 8, section 2 (a) of the Convencion Americana sobre Derechos Humanos.
Failure to receive due process in a trial violates Article 8(1) of the CADH.
The right to confront one's accuser is guaranteed by Article 8(2)(f) of the CADH.
Discrimination in the judicial process violates Article 1(1) of the CADH.
See Betzy Villarreal, "No hay reos zapatistas en las carceles de Chiapas, asegura director de CERESO 1", Cuarto Poder, Jan. 25, 1998, p. 14.
See Luis Zarate, "Derechos humanos en Mexico, son solo palabras, Manifiesta grupo humanistico internacional," Cuarto Poder, April 2, 1997, p. 14.
See Hermann Bellinghausen, "Acusa a la policia del crimen: Tzotzil preso en Chiapas, culpado de haber asesinado a su hermano," La Jornada, April 12, 1997, p. 15.
See "Preliminary Report on Human Rights Violations in Chiapas, From February 9 to April 9, 1995", Fray Bartolome de las Casas Human Rights Center, p. 17 (English version) and "Boletin informativo", Coordinacion de Organismos No Gubernamentales por la Paz (CONPAZ), May 8-21, 1995, p. 3.
The priests, Rodolfo Izal Elorza of Spain, Loren Riebe of the U.S., and Jorge Alberto Baron Guitein, of Argentina, were "not even offered minimal guarantees of due process" before their expulsion. See Deberes incumplidos: Responsabilidad oficial por la violencia rural en Mexico, Human Rights Watch/Americas, Washington, D.C., 1997, p. 90. See also Jesus Aranda, Roberto Garduno, and Elio Henriquez, "Detienen en Chiapas a 3 curas extranjeros", La Jornada, June 23, 1995, p. 1.
See "Press Bulletin", Fray Bartolome de las Casas Center for Human Rights, March 11, 1996.
See Poder Judicial del Estado de Chiapas, Declaracion Preparatoria de Sebastian Montejo Alvaro, Declaracion Preparatoria de Belizario Mendez Solis, Declaracion Preparatoria de Jose Guzman Montejo, case 269/95, June 24, 1995.
See Procuraduria General de Justicia del Estado de Chiapas, Fe ministerial del lugar de los hechos, case 269/95, Av. Prev. Num. 1267/CAJ4/B2/995, June 21, 1995.
See Procuraduria General de Justicia del Estado de Chiapas, Declaracion de Anita Montejo Velasco and Declaracion de C. Adela Mendez Alvaro, case 269/95, Av. Prev. Num. 1267/CAJ4/B2/995, June 21, 1995.
Interview with attorney Miguel Angel de los Santos Cruz, Dec. 20, 1997 .
See Lic. Maria de la Soledad Hernandez Hernandez, Procuraduria General de Justicia del Estado, Direccion General de Servicios Periciales y Criminalistica, gynecological exams of Anita Montejo Velasco and Adela Mendez Alvaro, case 269/95, Av. Prev. Num. 1267/CAJ4/B2/995, June 21, 1995.
